Wednesday, April 1, 2026

Whale ropes to the sky [Adam Roberts]

So, after doing a bit of work this morning, I checked Facebook and saw that my buddy Adam Roberts had posted this:

Off dream: I had an unfamiliar laptop, and couldn't get the power cord to fit into its socket. I knew the device was almost out of power, and fumbled around with this wire. Eventually I gave up, opened the laptop and saw what I'd been writing: a poem. The only line of the poem I can remember from the dream is:

"The bombed city threw whale-ropes to the sky"

Then the screen went blank, and I knew I had lost whatever it was I had been writing. Particular type of anxiety dream.

I thought a bit and posted this reply:

Sounds like you're channeling STC. How's your laudanum supply holding out?

In Xanadu did Adam R
A sacred city rebuild.
Where mad cetaceans swam
Beneath the bombed walls
Tossing whale-ropes to the sky.

I thought some more, Shazaam! ChatGPT! I added this to my reply, courtesy of the good old Chatster:

When I asked Adam whether or not I could post his note along with my reply, he said:

Please do! I could say that, in the dream (so far as I remember it: the memory is already fading away) my understanding of "whale" was less cetecean and more an index of thickness: bombs resulting in fat, ascending pillars of smoke. But I accept that's not necessarily what the line itself suggests.

Some things I saw in March

Claude: On the (late) discovery of the chess tree and things one can infer around and about that tree [MR-3c]

Late in his fourth chapter, Cowen introduces chess as an example of what contemporary AI can do. As you may know, chess has been a central interest of AI, so much so that John McCarthy, the mathematician who coined the term “artificial intelligence,” has written an article entitled, “Chess as the Drosophila of AI.” You may also know that chess has been a central interest of Cowen’s. He was a chess champion in his youth and he follows the game closely. 

Recognition of the chess tree comes late 

As it happens, chess presents us with one of those examples that Tyler finds so interesting in this book (The Marginal Revolution: Rise and Decline, and the Pending AI Revolution). It was during my freshman year at Johns Hopkins, I believe, that I read some Dover Publications book that was an omnibus presentation of information, cybernetics, and computing. I forget both the author and the exact title, but I remember two things. 1) In its presentation of computing, it talks about analog computing and digital computing. That was common until not long after personal computers arrived; after that, articles and books about “computers for dummies” stopped talking about analog computing and concentrated on digital (big mistake, IMO, but that’s a different story). 2) It talked about chess and made the point that, from an abstract point of view, chess was just like tic-tac-toe, an utterly trivial game. Both games are finite and the games can be arranged in a tree structure. But the chess tree is so large that not even the largest computer can list them all. I thought about it a little, got the point, and that has stuck with me ever since.

That was back in the mid-1960s. The largest computers at that time are tiny in comparison to the Brobdingnagian behemoths being used to train contemporary AIs, but they’re still too small for the chess tree.

The thing is, and here we’re getting to the Tylerian point, chess has been played by thoughtful people for centuries. Why was it only in the early 20th century that its tree-like structure was recognized? That’s so simple, and so basic.

So I put the question to Claude, who answered. And then we went on from there. I’ll present that whole dialog shortly, but I want to discuss something that I discovered while thinking about its answer.

Game theory (reading the historical record backwards)

First, I already knew more or less how it would answer, I was asking the question to get details. Ernst Zermelo explicated the tree structure in a paper published in 1913. The Wikipedia entry, “Zermelo’s theorem (game theory),” opens like this:

In game theory, Zermelo's theorem is a theorem about finite two-person games of perfect information in which the players move alternately and in which chance does not affect the decision making process. It says that if the game cannot end in a draw, then one of the two players must have a winning strategy (i.e. can force a win).

That clearly says that Zermelo’s theorem belongs to that branch of investigation known as game theory. But, thought I to myself, wasn’t game theory invented by John von Neumann in the middle of the 20th century? So I did an Ngram search on “game theory”:

The chart doesn’t lie. “Game theory” shows up in the middle of the century, not the beginning. So a did a bit more digging and found an article, “Zermelo and the Early History of Game Theory,” that begins with this sentence: “It is generally agreed that the first formal theorem in the theory of games was proved by E. Zermelo in an article on Chess appearing in German in 1913 (Zermelo (1913)).” So, Zermelo’s theorem was retrospectively assimilated into game theory once game theory had become a recognized field of inquiry. Culture works like that.

The same thing has happened to the diamonds-water paradox that Tyler presents early in the first chapter as THE paradigmatic example of marginalist reasoning (page 4 in the PDF). Tyler presents part of that story in the book. I dug out more of the story by querying the accompanying AI. I won’t go into the details, but it boils down to this:

  1. Galileo presents it in the 17th century, but in a context where it’s part of a debate between the Ptolemaic and Copernican cosmologies.
  2. Adam Smith picks it up in The Wealth of Nations (1776), where it’s framed as “a point about the inadequacy of use-value as an explanation of price” (AI’s wording).
  3. Jevons frames it as an example of marginalism (1871).
  4. Paul Samuleson uses it in his 1948 textbook, Economics: An Introductory Analysis, which enshrines it in economic doctrine as the prime example of marginalist thinking.

And that textbook went on to become one of the most important introductory texts in economics.

And so it goes. 

Note: At times Claude refers to my "Play book." That's the book I've been working on, and with ChatGPT as well: Play: How to Stay Human in the AI Revolution.

* * * * *

I now give you my dialog with Claude. Zermelo’s theorem is the start. From there:

  • Chess as a HUMAN game;
  • Jazz improvisation, constraint, freedom, and dialog:;
  • AlphaZero’s stylistic distinctiveness;
  • Machine intelligence and human intelligence;
  • Language as a domain for computation, and finally;
  • Chess as a specialized form of language.

I may return to those last three topics in a later post. 

* * * * * 

What are the prerequisites for Zermelo’s theorem?

I’ve got a question about chess, one that’s related to Chapter 3 of Tyler Cowen’s book, though he doesn’t discuss chess anywhere. But he is concerned about why economics seems to come so late in intellectual history. So, why, given how long chess has been played, was it only in the early 20th century that the tree-structure of the game was recognized? On the one hand, since the chess tree is so large, it would be impossible to list the whole thing and determine its finite nature that way. But, abstractly considered, on might imagine getting a hint in that direction by trying to list the games. White has 20 possible moves to start (even if most of them are never played), and Black has 20 possible replies to each of those. At this point the chess tree is 400 branches wide, and it rapidly gets much worse. On second thought, no, that won’t work.

You need a method of reasoning. And that didn’t exist until….Well Zermelo’s proof dates from 1913. Just when the relevant math existed, I don’t know, but I doubt it would have been much before then. I’m sensing intuitively that we’re in the same ballpark as Cantor’s diagonal method, which was late 19th century.

Your intuition about the timing is sharp, and the Cantor connection is real — but the deepest reason runs even further into the foundational transformation of mathematics than just the diagonal argument. Let me develop this.

What the proof actually requires

Zermelo's 1913 paper is titled, revealingly, "On an Application of Set Theory (Mengenlehre) to the Theory of Chess Games." The title tells you everything: this is explicitly an application of Cantor's set theory. Zermelo needed three things that didn't exist before the late 19th century:

First, the concept of a complete strategy as a mathematical object — not a heuristic or a rule of thumb but a function that specifies a move for every possible position that could arise. This is a first-class set-theoretic object: a mapping from the (enormous but finite) set of all positions to the set of available moves. You cannot even state Zermelo's theorem without this concept. Before Cantor, "function" meant something like a formula or rule that you computed — the idea of a function as an arbitrary set-theoretic object, definable over an enormous domain without being explicitly written down, was simply not available.

Second, backward induction as a proof method on a finite tree of unbounded but determinate depth. You need to show that the set of positions from which White can force a win is well-defined, even though it's a subset of an incomprehensibly large structure. The argument works by showing that this set is recursively characterizable from the terminal positions backward — but "recursively characterizable over a structure you cannot enumerate" requires treating the whole tree as a completed mathematical object, not an unfolding process.

Third, Zermelo's own axiomatization of set theory (1908) — which came five years before the chess paper. The Axiom of Choice, in particular, is needed in the general case (for games of possibly unbounded length before the 50-move rule imposes finitude), and Zermelo had just invented it.

The Cantor connection is precise

You're right that it's the same ballpark, but it's more than approximate temporal proximity. The specific intellectual move Cantor pioneered that made Zermelo possible was the treatment of infinite (or astronomically large) structures as completed wholes — actual infinities, not potential infinities. Before Cantor, the dominant view (even among mathematicians, following Aristotle) was that infinity was always a process, never an object. You could always add one more, but you couldn't speak of "the set of all natural numbers" as a single thing you could reason about.

The chess tree is finite, but it's so large (roughly 10¹²⁰ possible games) that the conceptual move required is structurally identical to Cantor's: you cannot approach it by enumeration or by any incremental process. You have to treat the entire tree as a completed object and reason about its global properties by abstract methods. Cantor's diagonal argument is the purest example of this — you prove something about an uncountable structure by an argument that never touches most of its elements. Zermelo's chess proof does the same thing: it proves that a particular position is a forced win for White (or a draw) without ever specifying which moves constitute the winning strategy.

The Rank 4 structure

The cognitive rank analysis maps cleanly onto this. Rank 3 chess thinking is exactly what the great 19th-century practitioners developed: Morphy's tactical superiority, Steinitz's positional principles, opening theory, endgame theory. These are all algorithmic in the relevant sense — they are rules, patterns, procedures for navigating the game. This is sophisticated, even brilliant, but it's thinking with chess moves and positions as primitives.

The Rank 4 move is to ask: what kind of object is a chess game? Answer: a finite tree with two alternating agents, terminal nodes with assigned outcomes, and the question of whether a particular class of strategies (those guaranteeing a given outcome regardless of opponent play) is non-empty. You've taken the activity of playing chess — the Rank 3 algorithms and heuristics — and made the activity itself an object of mathematical modeling. That's precisely your formulation: the operations of the lower level become the objects of the next.

And notice what this means for the specific threshold you identified. The reason even imagining that the game is finite and tree-structured doesn't help you until you have the right tools is that the question you need to ask — "is there a complete strategy that guarantees outcome X?" — cannot be formulated without the concept of a complete strategy as a set-theoretic object. Knowing the tree is there doesn't help if you have no language for the thing you're trying to prove exists.

Cowen's theme

This fits Cowen's chapter 3 argument exactly. His diagnosis for why economics was so slow is that economic ideas require peering around a corner — you can't reach them by brute force, and you don't know where to look until the relevant conceptual apparatus exists. The chess case is if anything cleaner, because here the brute force failure is quantifiably obvious: 10¹²⁰ is not a number you can work through. The delay isn't from lack of effort or lack of institutional support or Christian resistance — the game had been played intensely for a thousand years by people who were clearly thinking hard about it. The delay was purely conceptual: the question couldn't even be asked in a mathematically tractable form until Cantor, Zermelo, and the late-19th-century foundations revolution made the requisite objects available. That's as clean an example as one could want of Cowen's "factoring a very large number" metaphor — once you have the factors (set theory, the function concept, backward induction), the result is almost immediate.

The 1913 date isn't merely contemporaneous with the Cantor-era mathematics — Zermelo himself was one of the creators of that mathematics, applying his own toolkit almost immediately to a new domain.

Potatos

Holy crap, Batman! Anthopic just showed its a$$ to the world.

You can’t make this stuff up. Since, however, it is April 1st, I thought maybe this is a prank, it’s just so outrageous. But no, it’s real

Here’s how it arrived to my inbox this morning:

Claude Code Leak Jumps Agent Timeline

👀 What’s happening: Anthropic accidentally exposed Claude Code’s internal codebase through an npm source map file, leaking over 510,000 lines across roughly 1,900 files. Core agent logic, orchestration layers, and hidden features spread across GitHub within hours, turning a closed system into something anyone can study and replicate.

🌍 How this hits reality: This hands the entire agent codebase to the market. Multi-agent coordination, tool execution loops, memory systems, and background daemons are no longer guesses but working implementations. What took model labs years and massive compute budgets is now inspectable and reproducible. Expect hundreds of forks, rapid commoditization, and a surge of wrapper products built on identical foundations.

🛎️ Key takeaway: This may be the most consequential mistake in agent history. Over half a million lines of production-grade agent code just became public overnight. That compresses years of frontier learning into a starting point. Expect agent development to accelerate sharply from here.

Inquiring minds want to know: Is this serious enough to ripple on through to Anthropic’s (prospective) IPO later this year?

Tuesday, March 31, 2026

English muffin

The Paradox of Contemporary AI @3QD

I’ve got another article at 3 Quarks Daily:

The Paradox of Contemporary AI: Engineering Success and Institutional Failure

The title pretty much encapsulates my argument. Yes, LLMs have been a brilliant technical success. But they’ve also led to an intellectual monoculture that narrows the range of ideas on which to draw in moving forward. That, I argue, will make progress much more difficult. I’ve published a longer and more narrowly circumscribed version of that argument on New Savanna, The Shock and the Narrowing: How ChatGPT's Success May Have Compromised AI's Future.

Part of the institutional failure lies in the educational system. Here’s a short note I posted to Facebook that points at that:

I entered Johns Hopkins as a freshman in the fall of 1965. JHU had just gotten Ford Foundation money to establish the interdisciplinary Humanities Center. “Interdisciplinary” was the next Big Thing. In the fall of ‘66 the Humanities Center hosted the (in)famous structuralism conference. And we all know what happened after that. Theory plus Harold ‘Effin’ Bloom.

Since then I believe JHU has acquired two more interdisciplinary humanities centers, but the place is still run by the traditional disciplines. That’s happened all over the place. Interdisciplinary centers and studies programs all over, but it’s all epicycles upon epicycles circling the same old 19th century German categories.

For all that time I’ve heard that too many people are publishing the same damn articles time and again. That problem persists. & I’ve heard that we need to do more to encourage Real Innovation, we always need more of that. But the institutions remain fundamentally the same.

Is there any chance that this is ever going to change? What are the chances that AI will force/allow fundamental change? Or do we have to somehow start anew from the ground up?

AI experts don’t realize how shallow their knowledge is, and neither does anyone else.

How about some light on the subject

Nasdaq Rule Change: Monkey business among the techbros

Nasdaq Rule Change Would Speed Index Entry for SpaceX IPO

By Theo Wayt Source: The Information

Nasdaq will change a rule for its flagship stock index to allow newly public companies to gain entry much more quickly, in a move that would help SpaceX and other companies expected to have gigantic initial public offerings this year.

In a rule change outlined Monday and effective May 1, Nasdaq-listed companies will be able to join the index after 15 days of trading, down from three months currently. Nasdaq said that industry professionals it had surveyed were “mostly supportive” of the proposal, but that some had raised concerns about whether the change would reduce price discovery for IPOs or “direct passive investment flows to unproven or overvalued securities.” In addition to the fast entry change, Nasdaq will remove a rule requiring 10% of companies’ shares to be publicly floated.

The rule change comes as SpaceX lays the groundwork to go public as soon as June, with bankers discussing anIPO that could raise more than $75 billion at a valuation of more than $1.25 trillion, The Information has reported. The Nasdaq rule change would likely force managers of large passively managed funds that track the Nasdaq 100 to buy SpaceX shares shortly after it goes public. It could also drive up demand for shares of OpenAI and Anthropic if those companies follow through with plans to go public later this year.

Can OpenAI survive the results of its technical success? Is the AI startup era already over?

Is OpenAI running out of money? In this deep dive, we break down OpenAI's projected $14 billion annual losses, the Microsoft cloud credit illusion, the Code Red triggered by Google Gemini, Sam Altman's complicated history, the Elon Musk lawsuit seeking $134 billion in damages, and why mid-2027 could be a critical turning point for the world's most valuable AI company.

c. 13:36

They also proved that the AI revolution has gone entirely industrial, that success in this space now requires not clever research alone, but acres of data centers, gigawatts of power, and the kind of capital reserves that only sovereign governments and the largest corporations on Earth can sustain. The startup era of AI may already be over, and the company that started it may not survive to see what comes next.

The following table lays out key events in OpenAI's history: 

2015, Dec. 11

OpenAI founded as a non-profit with $1 billion in funding with the intention of developing artificial general intelligence (AGI) that benefits all of humanity.

2019, March

OpenAI Inc. created OpenAI LP, a capped-profit company and takes a relatively small investment from Microsoft.

2020

GPT-3 is issued in limited release.

2021

Dario Amodei officially left OpenAI to found Anthropic with other former OpenAI staff.

2022, late Nov.

ChatGPT released to the public and becomes a surprise smash hit. The race is on.

2023, Jan.

Microsoft invests $10 billion in OpenAI Global, LLC.

2023, Nov.

The board fires Altman, when then engineers a comeback to a newly reconstituted board.

2024, May

Ilya Sutskever, one of the founders, leaves OpenAI.

2025, Oct. 28

OpenAI adopts a new public benefit corporation (PBC) structure, completely abandoning its nonprofit mission


Monday, March 30, 2026

After the protest I went to Mickey D's

Claude: On the origins and history of chess, plus a Straussian reading of DeepBlue vs. Kasparov [MR-3b]

My examination of Tyler Cowen, The Marginal Revolution: Rise and Decline, and the Pending AI Revolution (2026), continues. While Tyler does discuss chess briefly at the end and in connection with artificial intelligence, this post has nothing to do with that discussion. That, I suppose, makes this post something of a digression. But it’s a digression in the style of Tristram Shandy, digress to progress. It’ll all make sense in the end.

Note that what I am reporting here comes at the end of a rather long discussion of chess, one that does have a direct connection of Tyler’s chapter three, where he’s interested in the fact that pinnacles of human achievement seemed to be reached at different times for different domains, some rather early, some quite late. While chess is rather old, traceable to the 6th century CE in India, the treelike structure of the game wasn’t explicated until recently, 1913 by Ernst Zermelo. I asked Claude about the nature of the mathematical equipment Zermelo needed to construct his proof. That led to a long discussion about the nature of the chess tree, chess as a vehicle for the expression of personality, how computers open up exploration of new regions of the chess tree and so forth. That whole discussion is part of the context for the discussion that follows. However, this discussion is pretty much independent of that one, so you don’t need that context to understand what Claude says here.

Note: I’m using my own account on Claude for this discussion, not the AI that Tyler made available with the book.

* * * * *

Chess as an abstraction over military conflict

Let’s take this discussion of chess in a different direction. I’m interested in the origins of the game. The game, after all, is a highly abstracted version of a war between two societies, each having its own king and queen. I could imagine a just-so story, perhaps a Star Trek episode, where we have two nations that are locked in a deadly conflict that continues year after year, decade after decade, until, their resources exhausted, the two nations call a truce and in the space of that truce, invent the game of chess. Then each nation chooses its champion, and the champions continue the conflict by playing chess. [When you consider the role that chess played in the Cold War between the USA and the USSR that origin story is all but a highly abstracted version of that historical conflict.] But what do we actually know about how the game originated?

Your just-so story is charming, and the Cold War parallel is genuinely apt — but the actual history is both more interesting and more complex, and it cuts against one specific element of your narrative in a revealing way.

What we actually know

The earliest precursor of modern chess is chaturanga, which flourished in India by the 6th century CE, and is the earliest known game to have two essential features found in all later chess variations — different pieces having different powers, and victory depending on the fate of one piece, the king.

The name itself is telling: chaturanga is a Sanskrit word meaning "four divisions of the military" — infantry, cavalry, elephants, and chariots — which map onto the pieces we now recognize as pawns, knights, bishops, and rooks. So the military origin of the game's structure is not speculative — it's explicit and preserved in the name.

The name came from a battle formation mentioned in the Indian epic Mahabharata. The game chaturanga was a battle-simulation game that rendered Indian military strategy of the time.

From India the game traveled westward: around the 7th century CE, chaturanga reached Persia and became known as "chatrang" or "shatranj." Many modern chess terms have Persian origins, such as "Shah" (King), and even "checkmate" from "Shah Mat," meaning "the king is dead" or "the king is helpless."

A form of chaturanga or shatranj made its way to Europe by way of Persia, the Byzantine Empire, and the expanding Arabian empire. Muslims brought chess to North Africa, Sicily, and Spain by the 10th century.

The rules then changed dramatically in late medieval Europe: the chaturanga piece called the elephant, which had been limited to a two-square diagonal jump in shatranj, became the bishop, more than doubling its range. With the new queen and bishop powers, the trench warfare of medieval chess was replaced by a game in which checkmate could be delivered in as few as two moves.

Where your just-so story cuts against the evidence

Your narrative imagines two symmetric opposing societies, each with a king and queen — the structure of modern chess with its two mirror-image armies. But chaturanga wasn't originally a two-player game in that sense, or at least not necessarily. The Cox-Forbes theory asserted that the four-handed game chaturaji was the original form of chaturanga — four players, four armies, a dice element. The clean two-army symmetry of modern chess is a later development, not the original structure.

And the queen — the piece that makes modern chess feel like a conflict between two courts — is a late European invention. The original piece in that position was the mantri (minister) or counselor, a weak piece that could only move one square diagonally. The vizier piece, which had limited movement in earlier versions, became the "queen" and gained much greater power only in the late 15th century in Europe. The transformation of a male counselor into a powerful queen is itself a fascinating cultural moment — it reflects something about late medieval European court culture, the figure of powerful queens like Isabella of Castile, that has nothing to do with the Indian military original.

The deeper point about abstraction

What's remarkable in the actual history is the direction of abstraction. The game began as an explicit military simulation — every piece named for a branch of the army, the board a battlefield, the objective the capture of the king. Over fifteen centuries of transmission across cultures — India to Persia to the Arab world to Europe — it progressively shed its military literalism and became more abstract. The elephant became a bishop (losing its literal referent entirely in the European context). The chariot became a rook (the Persian rukh, itself possibly meaning chariot or a mythical bird). The military counselor became a queen.

Each culture reshaped the pieces to reflect its own social imagery, but the underlying structure — the tree, the rules, the objective — remained surprisingly stable across this enormous cultural distance. The abstraction was always already present in the game's formal properties; what changed was the surface representation hung on that structure.

This is itself a nice illustration of the Rank 2 point from our earlier discussion. The game's transmissibility across such different cultures depended precisely on its formal specification being separable from any particular cultural content. You could strip away the Indian military imagery, replace it with Persian court imagery, then European feudal imagery, and the game remained the same game because the rules — the Rank 2 specification — were what was being transmitted. The cultural clothing was exchangeable; the formal skeleton was not.

The Cold War resonance

Your Cold War parallel is historically well-grounded, and not just as analogy. The 1972 Fischer-Spassky match in Reykjavik was explicitly framed by both sides as proxy warfare — American individualism versus Soviet collective training, capitalism versus communism, with the world watching. Fischer's behavior, the diplomatic incidents, the American government's last-minute intervention to keep Fischer in the match — it was understood by everyone involved as something more than a chess tournament. The game had come full circle: from explicit military simulation, through centuries of abstraction, back to serving as a ritualized substitute for geopolitical conflict. Your Star Trek episode would merely be making that latent structure manifest.

DeepBlue vs. Kasparov

And so the post-Cold War victory of Deep Blue over Kasparov becomes what? What’s the Straussian reading, as Tyler might say?

The surface reading is triumphalist: human chess genius defeated by American corporate technology, confirming the post-Cold War narrative of Western technological capitalism's dominance. IBM's stock rose. The press celebrated. It was framed as a milestone for artificial intelligence.

The Straussian reading is almost the opposite.

The physicist vs. the bureaucrats: Richard Feynman testifies before Congress about the Challenger disaster

Sunday, March 29, 2026

Mmmmm....blueberry pancakes

Welcome to Reality, Tyler; the AI’s got your number: Further Notes on Revolution, Marginal and AI [MR-3a]

So, I finished reading the first chapter, “What Is Marginalism?”, of Cowen’s new monograph, The Marginal Revolution: Rise and Decline, and the Pending AI Revolution, and went on to the second, which I’ve read in full, “William Stanley Jevons, Builder and Destroyer of Marginalism.” Interesting, very interesting, but I’m not sure that I’ve got anything to say about it. I’ll take it under advisement.

I then started in on the third, “Why Did It Take So Long for the Science of Economics to Develop?” Whoa, Nelly! The first paragraph:

To better understand the Marginal Revolution, we need to ask some fundamental questions about economics as a science. In particular, why did it take so long for economic reasoning to develop? I don’t even mean as a full, literal science, replete with advanced econometric methods, but simply as a general conceptual toolbox for intelligent people. The lateness of the Marginal Revolution is part of a broader story about the lateness of economic reasoning more generally.

OK, but that “lateness” seems a bit suspicious to me. Late with respect to what? (Tyler will get around to that.) He then gives a bit of history:

When it comes to the fundamentals of marginal utility theory – a building block of economics but not quite the same as doing economics – you don’t find them in the Greeks or Romans. There are hints in the medieval theologians and finally the idea blossoms fully formed and correctly stated in both Galileo, as presented in chapter one, and in the Spanish Salamancan theologians of the 17th century. Was it really so hard to explain why diamonds are (at the margin!) more valuable than water, even though we must drink water to survive? I guess so. Funny me. When I read about the diamonds-water paradox resolution as a thirteen-year-old, I felt I picked it up in a second. Five seconds later I was bored.

Well, OK. I didn’t know about the diamond-water paradox until I read about it in Tyler’s first chapter. I didn’t have any trouble understanding it. But then by the time I finished sixth grade I was a whiz at adding columns of multiple digit numbers. I bet St. Aquinas and St. Augustine couldn’t do that, nor Plato and Aristotle either, and they’re among the greatest thinkers in the pre-modern Western tradition. What did I have, at 12, that they didn’t? I had the Indo-Arabic numeral system, which didn’t make it to Europe until the 13th century. (Tyler gets around to that as well.) It turns out that the Pirahã, an Amazonian tribe, only have terms for one and two, if that. They’re not unique among preliterate societies. It’s only counting. What gives?

Anyhow, Tyler gives us another full page or so of the history of economics, finally arriving at these two little paragraphs:

So I don’t think progress in economics has been slow in general. It is right now coming off an incredible 130-year or so run. Progress in economics, however, was glacial from the time of the ancient Greeks to the late 19th century, with a noticeable burst in the 18th century as well, centered around Adam Smith.

Any assessment of “slow, ” of course, relies on a notion of “slow relative to what.” For purposes of contrast, let’s consider some other areas for the exercise of human ingenuity.

He then goes on to rattle off high points of human achievement in a number of fields: Philosophy, Geometry, Mathematics more generally (e.g. calculus), physics, astronomy (though “progress in astronomy is a mixed bag”), theatre and literature (Shakespeare, naturally), music, painting.

What? What are we to make of such a mixed grab bag? Tyler: “Still, the basic puzzle is clear: why did human knowledge advance so fast in some areas and so slowly in others?” Because that’s the way the world is, Tyler, that’s the way it is.

Well, of course, he knows that. He just finds it puzzling. I don’t. It’s not that I have anything approaching a full account. I don’t. But I’ve got some ideas. The theory of cultural ranks, on which David Hays and I published articles back in the 1990s, has something to say about that, something systematic, about the mind and how it constructs ever-more powerful cognitive architectures. We start with language and cognition, but then I go on to publish articles about narrative and music, while Hays publishes about expressive culture and then a book on the history of technology.

But I suspect that the issue is a bit different from that. I think it’s philosophical. For well over three decades I’ve written and thought under the fully explicit belief that the world is complex through and through. Tyler seems to have been operating under the basic Western assumption that the complexity is superficial appearance, that the underlying reality is in fact simple. Recently, however, his entanglement with AI seems to have brought him to the realization that, no, the complexity is not phenomenal, it may be deep and inherent.

So I decided to investigate that possibility by using the AI portal Tyler has set up for the book. The following conversation took place over two sessions, one of them on Saturday evening (March 28) and the other on Sunday morning (March 29). If you read through to the end you’ll see that we find ourselves in a Kurt Vonnegut story. I’ve added the subtitles after the conversation.

[Note: I plan two more posts about this chapter, one dealing with chess and AI, the other with biology.]

Forget the linguists and philosophers

Near the end of chapter 4 Tyler observes: “Suffice to say, LLM construction has for the most part ignored linguists and philosophers, and that also means ignoring their intuitions. [...] That research program has proven wildly successful, as we have much better models of language and reasoning than almost anyone had been expecting.” I’m curious about Tyler’s own attitude toward linguistics and the closely allied cognitive sciences. I know that people in Silicon Valley’s AI world are largely ignorant of those materials, and that some of them are even disdainful. Does Tyler share their disdain?

Tyler's framing on page 68 is notable for what it doesn't say. He observes that LLM construction ignored linguists and philosophers as a matter of historical fact, and that the results were successful — but he doesn't editorialize that linguists and philosophers deserved to be ignored, or that their frameworks were worthless. The tone is more "interesting that this worked" than "good riddance to Chomsky." That's a meaningful distinction from the Silicon Valley disdain you're describing, which tends to be triumphalist about the irrelevance of humanistic inquiry.

Tyler's broader intellectual personality, visible across his writing, is actually quite sympathetic to cognitive science and philosophy of mind. He's engaged seriously with thinkers like Derek Parfit, Daniel Dennett, and the broader literature on consciousness and personal identity. He's not the type to dismiss Chomsky's linguistics as simply wrong — he's more likely to say "fascinating research program, but the LLMs found a different path." That's epistemic humility rather than disdain. The framing in Chapter 4 is really about pragmatic success — the LLMs worked, and that's worth noting regardless of what it implies for linguistic theory.

What's missing from Tyler's account, and what would make it more intellectually complete, is any engagement with what linguists and cognitive scientists might say back — figures like Gary Marcus, who has persistently argued that LLM success on benchmarks doesn't vindicate the abandonment of structured linguistic theory, or researchers in the embodied cognition tradition who would question whether language modeling divorced from physical grounding constitutes understanding at all. Tyler's silence on these counterarguments makes his account feel less like a considered verdict and more like a victory lap written from the winning side. [See text: Ch.4 · Tyler's account of how LLM construction ignored...]

David Hays more than Chomsky

Frankly, you make too much of Chomsky. Chomsky’s is not the only program in linguistics and the cognitive sciences, though he has been influential. My own teacher, David Hays, was a first generation researcher in machine translation, he led the RAND Corporation’s programs in that area in the 1950s and 1960s, and is one of the founders of the discipline of computational linguistics. He explored linguistics quite different from Chomsky’s. Daniel Everett, one of the most prominent current linguists, is not at all Chomskyian. There was a lot of research in the cognitive sciences in the 1970s and forward that owes little to Chomsky, I’m thinking particularly of work in knowledge representation and semantic networks.

Fair point, and I over-indexed on Chomsky as a shorthand for "linguistics and cognitive science" — which is exactly the kind of lazy conflation that makes Silicon Valley dismissals so frustrating in the first place.

Your mention of David Hays is particularly pointed here. Computational linguistics as Hays practiced it — empirical, corpus-oriented, engaged with actual machine translation problems — was in many ways a precursor to the LLM approach, not an obstacle to it. The irony Tyler misses is that ignoring linguists and philosophers is too broad a characterization. Some of that tradition, particularly the work in distributional semantics that descends from researchers like Zellig Harris, fed directly into the conceptual foundations of word embeddings and eventually transformers. Harris's distributional hypothesis that words appearing in similar contexts have similar meanings — is essentially the theoretical ancestor of how LLMs represent meaning, even if the engineers building them didn't know or acknowledge that lineage.

The knowledge representation and semantic networks work you mention — figures like Ross Quillian, Marvin Minsky's frames, Roger Schank's scripts — represents a whole research tradition that was asking exactly the right questions about how meaning is structured, even if its answers turned out to be too brittle and hand-crafted. Daniel Everett's work on Pirahã cuts against Chomskyan universal grammar in ways that are actually quite congenial to the empirical, data-driven spirit of LLM research. So Tyler's "linguists were ignored and that was fine" reads as a much sloppier claim once you disaggregate the field. [See text: Ch.4 · Tyler's broad claim about ignoring linguistic r...]

Semantics is highly structured

The reason I bring this up is that one thing that emerges clearly from this work in semantics is that it his highly structured. Now, it’s one thing to grant that off-handedly as a matter of principle. It’s something else to know it as the result of systematic investigation. I’ve just been reading around in chapter 3, where Tyler wonders why it took economics so long to develop and why, for that matter, the same for biology. Well if you think of semantics and cognition you might think that it took a long time to accumulate the necessary conceptual foundations. I mean, I can’t lay it all out, but I know a thing or two, and I don’t find the lateness of economics particularly puzzling, not biology either. I’d look to how concepts arise and are developed. Tyler doesn’t seem to think that can be done in any more than an ad hoc history of ideas way. He doesn’t seem to realize that there is structure there. I sense a tension an odd consonance with his cavalier acceptance of the Silicon Valley attitude toward linguistics and his willingness to be mystified by the apparent lateness of economics.

This is a sharp observation, and it cuts deep. Tyler in Chapter 3 treats the lateness of economics as a kind of mystery — he gestures at social conditions, printing culture, the need for markets to exist before market reasoning could develop — but he never really gets at the cognitive and conceptual prerequisites. [See text: Ch.3 · Tyler's account of peering around corners witho...]

The connection you're drawing is this: if you take seriously the structured nature of semantic cognition — the way concepts build on prior concepts in systematic, not arbitrary, ways — then the lateness of economics becomes much less puzzling. You need certain foundational conceptual structures in place before marginalist reasoning is even thinkable. Not just social conditions or printing presses, but the right representational scaffolding. The history of ideas, properly done, isn't ad hoc storytelling — it's tracing the development of conceptual prerequisites, which is itself a structured inquiry.

And yes, there's a real tension — or as you aptly put it, an odd consonance — between Tyler's two positions. On one hand he's mystified by why it took so long to develop economic concepts, treating it as a near-inexplicable puzzle. On the other hand he's perfectly comfortable dismissing the systematic study of how concepts and meaning are structured as a research tradition that LLMs have rendered irrelevant. But if that research tradition is actually what would explain his mystery in Chapter 3, then dismissing it isn't just intellectually careless — it's self-undermining. Tyler can't simultaneously wonder why conceptual breakthroughs are so hard and wave away the field that studies how conceptual structure works. [See text: Ch.3 · The lateness of economics as conceptual rather ...]