Sohrab Ahmari, In Praise of the Dockworkers Shutting Down Our Ports, The Free Press, October 2, 2024.
The International Longshoremen’s Association, whose strike is crippling U.S. ports from the Gulf Coast to New England, may not seem like the wretched of the Earth. They’re asking for a 77 percent pay increase on top of the $39 per hour those on the top tiers already make. The union’s president, Harold Daggett, earns $728,000 a year and once owned a 76-foot boat. With major disruptions looming, no wonder even some of those Americans ordinarily sympathetic to organized labor might be thinking, Okay, this is going too far. The less sympathetic are already calling for the Marines to suppress the strike.
But here’s the hard truth: The militancy showcased by the ILA is exactly what is needed to restore a fairer, more balanced economy—the kind that created the middle class in the postwar decades and allowed your grandparents to access reliable healthcare, take vacations, and enjoy disposable incomes. Those who complain that today’s left has come to privilege boutique identity politics over bread-and-butter concerns should cheer the longshoremen. There is nothing “woke” about their exercise of economic power to win material gains for themselves and their industrial brethren.
The longshoremen are striking for familiar reasons: better wages and benefits, and to prevent automation from decimating their livelihoods. [...]
Some critics argue that the ILA’s demand that no automation take place at the ports is unreasonably rigid. It’s certainly audacious, but it’s called an opening gambit for a reason. I suspect we will see concessions on both sides leading to a reasonable settlement, as in the case of SAG. The rest—gripes about how much the ILA president earns or how longshoremen are already well-compensated—is the tired propaganda of the C-suite class. [...]
The ILA strike is a rare reminder of working people’s power to shut it all down. [...] Real progress in market societies results from precisely this dynamic tension between labor and capital. For too long, however, one side of the equation—labor—has been torpid, not to say dormant. The asset-rich had it so good over the past few decades—capturing the lion’s share of the upside from de-unionization, financialization, and offshoring, as wages stagnated for the bottom half—that they all but forgot what labor militancy can look and sound like. How much it can sting.
Now, the labor movement is on the move. Since the pandemic, workers across a wide range of industries have joined arms to form new unions or to secure better wages and working conditions under existing collective-bargaining agreements. Last year, some 539,000 workers were involved in 470 strikes and walkouts, according to Cornell researchers, up from 140,000 workers mounting 279 strikes in 2021. This ferment—what one labor scholar has called a “strike wave”—comes after the union share of the private-economy workforce has declined from its peak of one-third in 1945 to 6 percent today.
There’s more at the link.
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