Showing posts with label emotion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label emotion. Show all posts

Saturday, July 26, 2025

Neurochemicals, brains, sex, and relationships: Rena Malik, M.D., interviews Dr. Jim Pfaus

YouTube:

In this episode, Dr. Rena Malik, MD is joined by neuroscientist Dr. Jim Pfaus to explore the neuroscience of sexual attraction, desire, and bonding. They discuss how early sexual experiences shape our preferences, the role of dopamine and oxytocin in relationships, the impact of hookup culture and pornography, and the science behind sexual synchrony. Listeners will gain insightful perspectives on the brain’s influence over intimacy, pleasure, and partner connection, along with practical takeaways for fostering deeper relationships.

00:00:00 Introduction
00:00:26 Guest background & episode topics
00:01:43 Brain and sexual attraction
00:06:39 First sexual experiences
00:12:08 Navigating bad sexual experiences
00:15:18 Masturbation, porn, and impact
00:23:17 Sexual synchrony and bonding
00:33:31 Orgasm: brain chemistry
00:44:09 Semen retention & arousal
00:51:34 Porn, compulsion, and addiction
01:01:04 Oxytocin and bonding
01:12:20 Neuroplasticity, love, and long-term relationships
01:22:36 Sexual trauma and healing the brain
01:33:10 How hookup culture rewires desire
01:42:44 Takeaways

You can find papers by Dr. Pfaus on ResearchGate.

* * * * * 

This is a fascinating, rambling, and wide-ranging interview. Find a topic that interests you and dig in. Then listen to the whole thing. I’m particularly interested in the discussion of Oxytocin and bonding (starting at 01:01:04 and pretty much going on through to the end).

Why? Because I’ve been thinking about oxytocin ever since I read Walter Freeman’s Societies of Brains: A Study in the Neuroscience of Love and Hate (1995). Freeman was speculating about the role of intense ritual mediated by music and suggested that oxytocin would be released during such rituals and that that would facilitate bonding between the participants. What’s interesting, though, is the mechanism he suggested: Oxytocin released during the ritual would loosen the connectivity between neurons in the brains of individuals. The result would be that, as connectivity was reestablished, the patterns of connectivity within individuals would be similar across the population of participants, thus reducing their differences. I found that fascinating and made it central to my book on music, Beethoven’s Anvil: Music in Mind and Culture (2001), though in a somewhat different form, which I discussed in chapters two and three.

This is quite different from the discussion in the video, which is about pair-bonding between individuals. Malik and Pfaus are interested in the role of post-coital cuddling where bonding between the pair is mediated by oxytocin. Crudely put, when individuals cuddle there’s bonding, no cuddling, no bonding. But individuals can choose whether or not they cuddle, no? Yes. So what’s the range of “viable lifestyle choices”? (Ugh! what a phrase!) We don’t know.

So I’ll trot out my standard metaphor for the relationship between biology and culture: chess. Biology provides the basic rules of the game: the game board, the individual pieces, and the moves each piece is allowed to make. But there is a great deal of latitude in how one deploys those pieces during actual gameplay. That’s where culture comes in. The tactics and strategies one uses, that’s culture.

Biology doesn’t dictate behavior, not for individuals, not for whole societies. But it places constraints on behavior. Those constrains, by the very fact of constraint, open up possibilities for design and structure. This video is about some of those biologically-given constraints. As for the possibilities they open up, that remains to be seen.

I’d say that we have a lot of work to do. Well, it may be work for the scientists. But for the rest of us, it looks like play to me.

Tuesday, June 17, 2025

Sorting Things Out: Emotions and Behavioral Systems

Note: This is mostly a quick post to remind me of something I (think) I know, but am not necessarily very careful about in my thinking and writing.

What’s the relationship between love and attachment? Attachment, I believe, is best thought of as a behavioral system; that’s certainly how John Bowlby thought of it, and our contemporary concept of attachment is due largely to him. Love, on the other hand, is an emotion. It’s an emotion that’s often experienced in the context of attachment, but so are other emotions. And love, presumably, can be felt in the context of other behavioral systems.

Thus Helen Fisher has identified three behavioral systems involved in romantic love: sex, attraction, and attachment (see abstract below). Manfred Clynes has identified seven basic “emotion shapes,” which he calls essentic forms: anger, hate, grief, love, sexual desire, joy, and reverence. I’m not sure about sexual desire. Sexuality is certainly a behavioral system. The desire? Seems more like a feeling than an emotion, but that strikes me as a semantic quibble. But of the other six, anger, hate, and joy can be experienced in various behavioral contexts. Grief? It’s certainly experienced with the loss of an attachment object. The loss of other objects as well? Love and reverence? I can see love in relation to both attachment and sexuality. Reverence? Hays thought it was how the infant regards its attachment object (Mommy).

This requires some sorting out. But not now.

* * * * *

Helen E. Fisher, Arthur Aron, and Lucy L. Brown, Romantic love: a mammalian brain system for mate choice, Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B (2006) 361, 2173–2186, doi:10.1098/rstb.2006.1938

Abstract: Mammals and birds regularly express mate preferences and make mate choices. Data on mate choice among mammals suggest that this behavioural ‘attraction system’ is associated with dopaminergic reward pathways in the brain. It has been proposed that intense romantic love, a human cross- cultural universal, is a developed form of this attraction system. To begin to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic attraction in humans, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to study 17 people who were intensely ‘in love’. Activation specific to the beloved occurred in the brainstem right ventral tegmental area and right postero-dorsal body of the caudate nucleus. These and other results suggest that dopaminergic reward and motivation pathways contribute to aspects of romantic love. We also used fMRI to study 15 men and women who had just been rejected in love. Preliminary analysis showed activity specific to the beloved in related regions of the reward system associated with monetary gambling for uncertain large gains and losses, and in regions of the lateral orbitofrontal cortex associated with theory of mind, obsessive/compulsive behaviours and controlling anger. These data contribute to our view that romantic love is one of the three primary brain systems that evolved in avian and mammalian species to direct reproduction. The sex drive evolved to motivate individuals to seek a range of mating partners; attraction evolved to motivate individuals to prefer and pursue specific partners; and attachment evolved to motivate individuals to remain together long enough to complete species-specific parenting duties. These three behavioural repertoires appear to be based on brain systems that are largely distinct yet interrelated, and they interact in specific ways to orchestrate reproduction, using both hormones and monoamines. Romantic attraction in humans and its antecedent in other mammalian species play a primary role: this neural mechanism motivates individuals to focus their courtship energy on specific others, thereby conserving valuable time and metabolic energy, and facilitating mate choice.

Wednesday, March 5, 2025

Empathy is not in our genes

Cecilia Heyes, Empathy is not in our genes, Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, Volume 95, 2018, Pages 499-507,ISSN 0149-7634, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2018.11.001.

Highlights

  • Empathy is a cornerstone of healthcare, social justice, and international relations.
  • Empathy depends on automatic (Empathy1) and controlled (Empathy2) mechanisms.
  • The automatic mechanism, Empathy1, is constructed by associative learning.
  • Self-stimulation, synchronous emotion and affect mirroring provide inputs to learning.
  • Empathy can be enhanced by novel experience and broken by social change.

Abstract: In academic and public life empathy is seen as a fundamental force of morality – a psychological phenomenon, rooted in biology, with profound effects in law, policy, and international relations. But the roots of empathy are not as firm as we like to think. The matching mechanism that distinguishes empathy from compassion, envy, schadenfreude, and sadism is a product of learning. Here I present a dual system model that distinguishes Empathy1, an automatic process that catches the feelings of others, from Empathy2, controlled processes that interpret those feelings. Research with animals, infants, adults and robots suggests that the mechanism of Empathy1, emotional contagion, is constructed in the course of development through social interaction. Learned Matching implies that empathy is both agile and fragile. It can be enhanced and redirected by novel experience, and broken by social change.

Keywords: Affect mirroring; Affective empathy; Associative learning; Emotional contagion; Empathy; Empathic understanding; Learned Matching; Mirror neurons; Self-stimulation; Synchronous emotion

Monday, December 2, 2024

Improvising on "Für Elise" in 17 ways [very illuminating]

0:00 Intro
0:14 Für Elise (original)
0:54 #1 Happy
1:40 #2 Sad
3:08 #3 Curious
4:09 #4 Tired
5:57 #5 Terrified
7:27 #6 Triumphant
8:21 #7 Confused
9:29 #8 Cranky
10:41 #9 Thankful
12:20 #10 Infuriated
13:45 #11 Tranquil
15:33 #12 Bored
17:26 #13 Silly
18:33 #14 Pessimistic
20:46 #15 Tender
22:50 #16 Drunk
24:38 #17 Rejuvenated

This video was filmed at the Prager Family Center for the Arts in Easton, Maryland, as part of a four-day residency with the Gabriela Montero Piano Lab presented by OAcademy, an initiative of the Orchestra of Americas Group offering elite training to talented young musicians from around the world. For more, visit: https://oacademy.live

Sunday, December 1, 2024

Enhancing Role-Playing Agents through Emotional Retrieval

Sunday, July 14, 2024

Mood-congruent memory revisited

Faul, L., & LaBar, K. S. (2023). Mood-congruent memory revisited. Psychological Review, 130(6), 1421–1456. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000394 (ungated version: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10076454/)

Abstract: Affective experiences are commonly represented by either transient emotional reactions to discrete events or longer term, sustained mood states that are characterized by a more diffuse and global nature. While both have considerable influence in shaping memory, their interaction can produce mood-congruent memory (MCM), a psychological phenomenon where emotional memory is biased toward content affectively congruent with a past or current mood. The study of MCM has direct implications for understanding how memory biases form in daily life, as well as debilitating negative memory schemas that contribute to mood disorders such as depression. To elucidate the factors that influence the presence and strength of MCM, here we systematically review the literature for studies that assessed MCM by inducing mood in healthy participants. We observe that MCM is often reported as enhanced accuracy for previously encoded mood-congruent content or preferential recall for mood-congruent autobiographical events, but may also manifest as false memory for mood-congruent lures. We discuss the relevant conditions that shape these effects, as well as instances of mood-incongruent recall that facilitate mood repair. Further, we provide guiding methodological and theoretical considerations, emphasizing the limited neuroimaging research in this area and the need for a renewed focus on memory consolidation. Accordingly, we propose a theoretical framework for studying the neural basis of MCM based on the neurobiological underpinnings of mood and emotion. In doing so, we review evidence for associative network models of spreading activation, while also considering alternative models informed by the cognitive neuroscience literature of emotional memory bias. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved)

Sunday, April 21, 2024

Literature and Emotion [affective technology]

I'd originally posted this back in 2011, but I'm bumping it to the top 1) on general principle, and 2) because it's relevant to some of my current thinking about literature and our experience of it.
 
A correspondent recently brought up the topic of emotional response to literature. It’s an important topic, one I’ve thought about from time to time, but I don’t have any particular insight into it. Still, I’ve put together a few thoughts.

First, an excerpt my review of William Flesch, Comeupance (Harvard UP 2007). Flesch introduces the notion of vicarious experience, which is the most interesting idea on emotion in literature that I’ve read since Susanne Langer’s more general idea of virtual experience. Then I consider a childhood practice by way of looking at a section from Tom Sawyer, where Tom deals with negative feelings by running away to become a pirate. Finally, I have abstracts about and links to two old posts, originally the The Valve (now defunct), but now copied to New Savanna.

Vicarious Experience: William Flesch

Excerpted from Altrusim, Gossip, and the Vicarious Apprehension of Human Living, Twentieth-Century Literature 55.4, Winter 2009, 629-633.

* * * * *

[Flesch’s] point is that, when we experience fiction, we monitor the lives of fictional characters using the same bio-behavioral “equipment” we use in monitoring our fellows as we keep “score” of their “credits” and “debits” in the “group account.” The need to monitor our fellows gives us a vicarious interest in their actions, and that vicarious interest is emotionally charged.

Flesch develops this notion of vicarious experience through reference to David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals in particular, and Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments. The anger we feel upon witnessing transgression comes not through some identification with the victim or victims of the transgression, but belongs to the affective component of our social monitoring system. This anger is, in effect, a sentiment on behalf of the group, not on behalf of any particular individuals. The pleasure we feel in just punishment or just reward, Flesh argues, is similarly vicarious and on behalf of the group, not some particular individual or individuals.

How do we monitor our fellows? There is direct observation, a behavioral mode we share with other animals. But we can also exchange tales about them, we can gossip. Flesch thus argues that fiction is, in effect, gossip about imaginary people.

To my mind, the most important consequence of this position has to do with our emotional engagement in the lives of literary characters. As Flesch remarks in a footnote criticizing “orthodox” literary Darwinists: “they treat literary characters as motivated by the same things that motivate real humans, rather than as representations to whom real humans react. It’s our reactions that psychology can analyze, not the actions of literary characters” (p. 231). Flesch thus does away with the nasty problems inherent in the vague notion of “identification” that he regards as being grounded in a mistaken conception of imitation. Given that vicarious interest “is an irreducible and primary attitude that we take toward others” (p. 15) Flesh goes on to argue that identification, such as it is, must in fact depend on our vicarious experience of a character.

Affective Technology: Mark Twain

Excerpted from my essay, Talking with Nature in “This Lime-Tree Bower My Prison”, PSYART: A Hyperlink Journal for the Psychological Study of the Arts, November 2004, downloadable from SSRN. I'd be like to hear from anyone who employed this strategy at one time or who knows children who've done so.

* * * * *

When I was young my parents would punish me by sending me to my room. Not only was I thus unable to continue doing whatever it was that I had been doing, but I was also separated from the world in general and, of course, separated from my parents in particular. While confined to my room I would feel aggrieved and brood for a bit and sooner or later imagine a scenario in which I had died somehow. I would continue the story by imagining my parents grieving for me, and saying how they had wronged me, but it's too late now because I'm dead. By then I would start feeling better.

This, of course, is a form of play, though it is not the sort of thing that typically comes to mind when we think of childhood play. But play it is, for it required me to imagine myself in a role quite different from my actual situation. It also required that I imagine a situation in which my parents were as bereft as I felt, thereby making me superior to them.

I have no idea how common this particular mood-altering play scenario is, but something like it seems to have informed Chapters 13 through 15 of Mark Twain's Tom Sawyer. While the incidents in those chapters may have been based on Twain's childhood experience, those chapters are themselves works of fiction. We can read them in an hour or so, but they depict fictional events that transpired over a course of days.

As Chapter 13 opens, Tom is feeling aggrieved. His aunt had recently punished him for a prank he had played on the family cat and Becky Thatcher was ignoring his romantic overtures.
Tom's mind was made up now. He was gloomy and desperate. He was a forsaken, friendless boy, he said; nobody loved him; when they found out what they had driven him to, perhaps they would be sorry; he had tried to do right and get along, but they would not let him; since nothing would do them but to be rid of him, let it be so; and let them blame him for the consequences -- why shouldn't they? What right had the friendless to complain? Yes, they had forced him to it at last: he would lead a life of crime.
Tom encounters his friend Joe Harper, who is of a similar mind, and they join up with Huck Finn and run away to Jackson's Island, where they intend to live a fine life as pirates.

Late in their second day they hear canon shot over the water. Tom concludes that the townsfolk suspected the boys had drowned and so were trying to bring their bodies to the surface. That night—we are now in Chapter 15—Tom slips back to town and sneaks into his house. There he listens to his Aunt Polly and to Joe's mother commiserating over their loss, affirming that, though a bit devilish, their boys were good at heart. These words had a powerful effect on Tom:
Tom was snuffling, now, himself — and more in pity of himself than anybody else. He could hear Mary crying, and putting in a kindly word for him from time to time. He began to have a nobler opinion of himself than ever before. Still, he was sufficiently touched by his aunt's grief to long to rush out from under the bed and overwhelm her with joy — and the theatrical gorgeousness of the thing appealed strongly to his nature, too, but he resisted and lay still.
Tom then returned to the island in time for breakfast and "recounted (and adorned) his adventures. They were a vain and boastful company of heroes when the tale was done."

Though I do not recall the details of any of the childhood fantasies I employed to restore my sense of well-being, I rather suspect that Twain's three chapters are more richly realized than anything I managed to conjure up. The most interesting aspect of Twain's story is that the boys ran away to become pirates. That is, within the means available to them, they did their best to become free and autonomous actors rather than being bound to adults in the role of a child. It was from within that bit of adventuresome pretense that Tom overheard the heart-warming conversation. Though sorely tempted, he did not immediately break from his pretended autonomy. Rather he returned to the island and thus afforded Twain the pleasure of extending this theme through four more chapters worth of variations.


Steven Pinker has been a severe critic of literary studies. I open the letter by showing that arguments he makes in the final two chapters of The Stuff of Thought can be fashioned into an account of why literature is so important to us. I go on to give a brief and sympathetic account of what’s happened in literary studies since the 1950s. Pinker gives a brief reply. Think of this as a companion piece to my note on emotion recollected in tranquility.


This is another take on why literature is so important. It gives a neural interpretation of Wordsworth’s famous characterization of poetry as emotion recollected in tranquility and argues that emotionally charged literature facilitates the creation of an emotionally neutral mental “space” in which memories of all kinds can be evoked. Think of this is a companion piece to my open letter to Pinker.

Friday, March 31, 2023

MORE on the issue of meaning in large language models (LLMs)

I've been having a long discussion with gjm over at LessWrong about a post I'd originally published here at New Savanna back on March 11,  The issue of meaning in large language models (LLMs). I am now considering a position that is somewhat different from the one I had originally argued.  The position I am currently considering is based on a 2014 article in The New York Review of Books in which Searle takes on two recent books:

Luciano Floridi, The 4th Revolution: How the Infosphere Is Reshaping Human Reality, Oxford University Press, 2014.

Nick Bostrom, Superintelligence: Paths, Dangers, Strategies, 
Oxford University Press, 2014.
Searle’s argument depends on understanding that both objectivity and subjectivity can be taken in ontological and epistemological senses. I’m not going to recount that part of the argument. If you’re curious what Searle’s up in this business to you can read his full argument and/or you can read the appendix to a post from 2017.

Searle sets up his argument by pointing out that, at the time Turing wrote his famous article, “Computing Machinery and Intelligence”, the term “computer” originally applied to people (generally women, BTW) who performed computations. The term was then transferred to the appropriate machines via the intermediary, “computing machinery”. Searle observes:
But it is important to see that in the literal, real, observer-independent sense in which humans compute, mechanical computers do not compute. They go through a set of transitions in electronic states that we can interpret computationally. The transitions in those electronic states are absolute or observer independent, but the computation is observer relative. The transitions in physical states are just electrical sequences unless some conscious agent can give them a computational interpretation.

This is an important point for understanding the significance of the computer revolution. When I, a human computer, add 2 + 2 to get 4, that computation is observer independent, intrinsic, original, and real. When my pocket calculator, a mechanical computer, does the same computation, the computation is observer relative, derivative, and dependent on human interpretation. There is no psychological reality at all to what is happening in the pocket calculator.

Searle goes on to say:

Except for the cases of computations carried out by conscious human beings, computation, as defined by Alan Turing and as implemented in actual pieces of machinery, is observer relative. The brute physical state transitions in a piece of electronic machinery are only computations relative to some actual or possible consciousness that can interpret the processes computationally.
What if I take the same attitude toward LLMs? That's the position I'm currently considering. To paraphrase Searle:
The brute physical state transitions in a piece of electronic machinery are only meaningful relative to some actual or possible consciousness that can interpret the processes as being meaningful.
It seems to me, then, that the question of whether or not the language produced by LLMs is meaningful is up to us. Do you trust it? Do WE trust it? Why or why not?

That's the position I'm considering. If you understand "WE" to mean society as a whole, then the answer is that the question is under discussion and is undetermined. But some individuals do seem to trust the text from certain LLMs at least under certain circumstances. For the most part I trust the output of ChatGPT and GPT-4, with which I have considerably less experience than I do with ChatGPT. I know that both systems make mistakes of various kinds, including what is called "hallucination." It's not clear to me that that differentiates them from ordinary humans, who make mistakes and often say things without foundation in reality.

Note that I am considering this position without respect to the nature of the processes operative in those LLMs. This is, of course, somewhat different from the case with e.g. pocket calculators, where we do understand those physical processes. Nonetheless, at this point this trust in these strange new devices, if only provisional, seems warranted. I cannot same, though, about trust in the users of these strange new devices. Bad actors are and will continue to use them for purposes of fraud, deception, and (political) manipulation. That's not the fault of these devices. Those faults are in us.

Let's return to Searle. Toward the end of the article he takes up the question of consciousness:
Suppose we took seriously the project of creating an artificial brain that does what real human brains do. As far as I know, neither author, nor for that matter anyone in Artificial Intelligence, has ever taken this project seriously. How should we go about it? The absolutely first step is to get clear about the distinction between a simulation or model on the one hand, and a duplication of the causal mechanisms on the other. Consider an artificial heart as an example. Computer models were useful in constructing artificial hearts, but such a model is not an actual functioning causal mechanism. The actual artificial heart has to duplicate the causal powers of real hearts to pump blood. Both the real and artificial hearts are physical pumps, unlike the computer model or simulation.

Now exactly the same distinctions apply to the brain. An artificial brain has to literally create consciousness, unlike the computer model of the brain, which only creates a simulation. So an actual artificial brain, like the artificial heart, would have to duplicate and not just simulate the real causal powers of the original. In the case of the heart, we found that you do not need muscle tissue to duplicate the causal powers. We do not now know enough about the operation of the brain to know how much of the specific biochemistry is essential for duplicating the causal powers of the original. Perhaps we can make artificial brains using completely different physical substances as we did with the heart. The point, however, is that whatever the substance is, it has to duplicate and not just simulate, emulate, or model the real causal powers of the original organ. The organ, remember, is a biological mechanism like any other, and it functions on specific causal principles.
That, it seems to me is the question: How much of specifically human biochemistry is essential for duplicating the causal powers of the human brains? Perhaps the answer is zero, in which case so-called strong AI is in business and one day we’ll see computers whose psychological behavior is indistinguishable from that of humans and, who knows, perhaps superior. 
 
Note, however, that I regard the question of consciousness as being different from that of meaning. The question of consciousness is about the nature of the underlying physical process. The question of meaning, as far as I can tell, is NOT about the nature of the underlying physical process. It is about the fidelity of that process. It is not clear to me that the nature of the process must be identical to the human process in order for its fidelity to be adequate for a wide, if unspecified, range of human purposes.
 
In accepting text from LLMs (such as ChatGPT and GPT-4) as meaningful, I do not mean to imply that I think they are conscious. I see no evidence of that. Given my recent string of posts about polyviscosity (my coinage, though apparently a hyphenated version of the term is in use for a somewhat different meaning), I do consider consciousness an essential property of human minds as, in my view (derived from William Powers) it is essential to memory. And then we have the idea of thinking. Do I believe that meaningful language from LLMs implies that they are thinking? How do I know, I just made this stuff up. It's under advisement, all of it, whatever "it" refers to.

Getting back to meaning, there is an escape clause in what I've said, the range of trust-justified human purposes must be specified. Do I think that LLMs are currently capable of creating high-quality works of literary art? No, I do not. Could they be of use to humans interested in creating such works? Sure, why not? (Remember Burroughs and his cut-ups.) Will LLMs ever be capable of creating high-quality works of literary art? If by LLMs we are to understand devices built on current architectures, then, no, I do not think they will ever be capable of creating high-quality works of literary art. Why not? For the standard science fiction reason, emotion. These LLMs don't have access to anything like the motivational and emotional circuitry of a human brain. For the purposes of creating art, that is problematic. What about future devices? Well, what about them?

More later.

Addendum (later in the day): At the moment it seems to me that the question of substrate independence must be raised independently for meaning and consciousness. It may hold for meaning, but not consciousness.

Saturday, October 8, 2022

The cultural evolution of emotion

The abstract of the linked article:

Scholarly debates about the nature of human emotion traditionally pit biological and cultural influences against one another. Although many existing theories acknowledge the role of culture, they mostly treat emotion categories such as ‘anger’ as biological products. In this Perspective, we summarize traditional assumptions about the roles of biology and culture in emotion alongside supporting and conflicting empirical evidence. Building on constructionist models of emotion, we introduce a cultural evolutionary perspective that moves beyond a strict biology-versus-culture dichotomy. This cultural evolutionary perspective uses dual inheritance models of cultural transmission to explain how variation in emotion can arise across groups, how affect-laden information can travel throughout populations, and why people in different cultures use both similar and different emotion concepts and non-verbal expressions. This cultural evolution framework allows for new hypotheses about the development of emotion categories and challenges longstanding claims about the universality of emotion.

Saturday, June 4, 2022

Neural correlates of pro-social behavior in rodents

Highlights from the linked article:

Rats and mice show robust emotional contagion by aligning their fear and pain to that of others.

Brain regions necessary for emotional contagion in rodents closely resemble those associated with human empathy; understanding the biology of emotional contagion in rodents can thus shed light on the evolutionary origin and mechanisms of human empathy.

Cingulate area 24 in rats and mice contains emotional mirror neurons that map the emotions of others onto the witnesses’ own emotions.

Emotional contagion prepares animals to deal with threats by using others as sentinels; the fact that rodents approach individuals in distress facilitates such contagion.

In some conditions, rats and mice learn to prefer actions that benefit others, with notable individual differences. This effect depends on structures that overlap with those of emotional contagion.

Friday, February 25, 2022

On the overlap between cognition and emotion

Abstract for linked article:

The tendency to reflect on the emotions of self and others is a key aspect of emotional awareness (EA)—a trait widely recognized as relevant to mental health. However, the degree to which EA draws on general reflective cognition vs. specialized socio-emotional mechanisms remains unclear. Based on a synthesis of work in neuroscience and psychology, we recently proposed that EA is best understood as a learned application of domain-general cognitive processes to socio-emotional information. In this paper, we report a study in which we tested this hypothesis in 448 (125 male) individuals who completed measures of EA and both general reflective cognition and socio-emotional performance. As predicted, we observed a significant relationship between EA measures and both general reflectiveness and socio-emotional measures, with the strongest contribution from measures of the general tendency to engage in effortful, reflective cognition. This is consistent with the hypothesis that EA corresponds to the application of general reflective cognitive processes to socio-emotional signals.

Thursday, December 2, 2021

It Shook Me, the Light

Bump! This post is from 2010, but it's been on my mind lately. So I'm bumping it to the head of the queue.
 
During the early 1970s I'd played for two years with a rock band called St. Matthew Passion. Modeled on Blood, Sweat, and Tears and on Chicago, the band consisted of 4-piece rhythm section plus three horns: sax, trumpet (me), and trombone. On “She's Not There” the three horns would start with a chaotic improvised freak-out and then, on cue from the keyboard player, the entire band would come in on the first bar of the written arrangement.

On our last gig it was just me and the sax player; the trombonist couldn't make it. The sax and I started our improv. The music got more and more intense until Wham! I felt myself dissolve into white light and pure music. It felt good.

And I tensed up.

It was over.

After the gig the sax player and I made a few remarks about it — “that was nice” — enough to confirm that something had happened to him too. One guy from the audience came up to us and remarked on how fine that section had been. Did he know what had happened? Or, if not ‘know’ exactly, did he sense a special magic in the performance? I ask because performers and audience often have a very different ‘sense’ of the same performance. Perhaps the guy was just complimenting us on our ‘freak-out’ chops, not on any magic in the music.

That's the only time I've ever experienced that kind of ego loss in music. For a few years I was very ambivalent about that experience, wanting it again, but also fearing it. A child of the 60s, a very geekish child of the 60s, I’d read quite a bit about altered states of consciousness, as they were called in the scientific literature. I read around in the secondary and tertiary literature on mystical experiences, and even a bit of the primary literature – though just exactly what’s the point of reading a mystic’s account an ineffable encounter with . . . . well, with what, exactly?

I knew such things happened. And now, in little more than a couple of heartbeats, now I too knew. But what is it that I knew?

Other than the experience itself, I knew that what all those people had been writing about was real. It’s not that I doubted it. Still it’s one thing to read about walking on the moon, even to see video footage and photographs of space-suited men walking about. It’s another thing to be there oneself.

But how can one experience be so powerful, so polarizing, that it haunts your thoughts and echoes through your soul for years afterward? What is the human nervous system that THAT can happen? In attributing the experience to the nervous system – as opposed, say, to an encounter with the divine, I do not thereby mean to dismiss it – oh, that? that was just a burp of the nervous system. We cannot dismiss it. The nervous system is us.

Now the memory's faded & the ambivalence too. But I'm playing better music now than ever I did back then. I’m talking not so much about technique – that comes and goes – but about expressive power, about ‘authenticity.’ Is that authenticity and echo of that experience?

Who knows?


* * * * *


Such experiences are common enough among musicians. Over the years I’ve collected accounts from books and articles. Here are some from Jenny Boyd, with Holly George-Warren. Musicians In Tune. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992.
 
Patty Smyth (p. 161):
When I have had those experiences, I'm singing by myself. I've had those moments when I do feel the voice coming through me, and I know it's coming from out there. It's a certain tone in that voice that makes me feel that way. It chokes me up.
Cece Bullard (pp. 161-162):
It's like you leave your body. It's like you're dizzy and lightheaded and yet right there. My hands just seem to throb, like a pulse almost. It's the best feeling in the world, bar none. It took me a lot of singing lessons before I finally connected with that feeling. The first time it clicked and I connected, I nearly fell down, and I started crying.
Sinéad O'Conner (p. 164):
A lot of times I shake uncontrollably. I can't control the shaking, and it's not because I'm nervous, it's because I'm singing. It's because it's coming out and it's making me shake. It feels like being drunk, it's like an out-of-body experience. There are times when I've done gigs — and it doesn't happen every time you do a show or every time you write something — but they've told me stuff I've done onstage that I'm not aware I've done.
Branford Marsalis (p. 173):
High, you feel high. It's easy to do it physically, but it's hard to do it mentally. I feel that musicians who say it happens every time they play are full of shit. The sublime cannot be routine. Three times, and you never forget them. It's with a combination of musicians, it's never just me.
Ringo Starr (p. 176):
It feels great; its just a knowing. It's magic actually; it is pure magic. Everyone who is playing at that time knows where everybody's going. We all feel like one; wherever you go, everyone feels that's where we should go. I would know if Paul was going to do something, or if George was going to raise it up a bit, or John would double, or we'd bring it down. I usually play with my eyes closed, so you would know when things like that were happening . . . you've got to trust each other.
Huey Lewis (p. 179):
I find it more of a group experience for me. You look around and all of a sudden the song is playing and singing itself. It’s just like a wave that you ride. It’s tremendously exhilarating; it doesn’t take any energy and you look around and say, ‘Yep, this is it!’ It happens quite often but not for long periods of time. Almost at every gig that will happen somewhere for a fleeting moment. Some gigs it happens more often than others, and those are the good gigs.
Eric Clapton (p. 185):
It's a massive rush of adrenaline which comes at a certain point. Usually it's a sharing experience; it's not something I could experience on my own. . . . other musicians . . . an audience . . . Everyone in that building or place seems to unify at one point. It's not necessarily me that's doing it, it may be another musician. But it's when you get that completely harmonic experience, where everyone is hearing exactly the same thing without any interpretation whatsoever or any kind of angle. They're all transported toward the same place. That's not very common, but it always seems to happen at least once a show.
I don’t for a moment think these musicians are all describing the same thing. But just how many different things they’re describing, that I don’t know. Branford Marsalis says, “I feel that musicians who say it happens every time they play are full of shit.” Eric Clapton says that “it always seems to happen at least once a show.” Are they talking about the same thing? How could you tell?

Whatever it is, this family of musical experiences, it visits us in this devastating performance of Leonard Bernstein’s “One hand, one heart” by Jose Carreras and Kiri Te Kanawa.

Friday, August 13, 2021

Neural signature of attentional engagement to narratives

Saturday, August 1, 2020

And now the machines recognize emotion categories embedded in the visual system


Abstract: Theorists have suggested that emotions are canonical responses to situations ancestrally linked to survival. If so, then emotions may be afforded by features of the sensory environment. However, few computational models describe how combinations of stimulus features evoke different emotions. Here, we develop a convolutional neural network that accurately decodes images into 11 distinct emotion categories. We validate the model using more than 25,000 images and movies and show that image content is sufficient to predict the category and valence of human emotion ratings. In two functional magnetic resonance imaging studies, we demonstrate that patterns of human visual cortex activity encode emotion category–related model output and can decode multiple categories of emotional experience. These results suggest that rich, category-specific visual features can be reliably mapped to distinct emotions, and they are coded in distributed representations within the human visual system.

Thursday, December 19, 2019

Cross-cultural semantics of emotion: variation around universal themes


Joshua Conrad Jackson, et al., Emotion semantics show both cultural variation and universal structure, Science 20 Dec 2019:
Vol. 366, Issue 6472, pp. 1517-1522. DOI: 10.1126/science.aaw8160
The diverse way that languages convey emotion

It is unclear whether emotion terms have the same meaning across cultures. Jackson et al. examined nearly 2500 languages to determine the degree of similarity in linguistic networks of 24 emotion terms across cultures (see the Perspective by Majid). There were low levels of similarity, and thus high variability, in the meaning of emotion terms across cultures. Similarity of emotion terms could be predicted on the basis of the geographic proximity of the languages they originate from, their hedonic valence, and the physiological arousal they evoke.

Abstract

Many human languages have words for emotions such as “anger” and “fear,” yet it is not clear whether these emotions have similar meanings across languages, or why their meanings might vary. We estimate emotion semantics across a sample of 2474 spoken languages using “colexification”—a phenomenon in which languages name semantically related concepts with the same word. Analyses show significant variation in networks of emotion concept colexification, which is predicted by the geographic proximity of language families. We also find evidence of universal structure in emotion colexification networks, with all families differentiating emotions primarily on the basis of hedonic valence and physiological activation. Our findings contribute to debates about universality and diversity in how humans understand and experience emotion.

Wednesday, December 18, 2019

Bleg: When Did Male Friendship [in America] Lose Its Warmth?

I'm moving this to the head of the queue because it's relevant to a post Tyler Cowen has just posted containing travel notes about Scandanavian culture. There's a remark in the notes about sleeping habits. Originally posted in September 2011.
Over at Arcade Gregory Jusdanis has a most interesting post: From Ishmael to Joey and Ross: Whither American Manhood. It’s about how, in the past, American men expressed affection for one another quite freely—no homo!—but do not do so anymore. 

He recounts an episode from Friends where Joey and Ross somehow become inadvertent snugglers. They like it, but the community disapproves. Ewww! He contrasts that with an incident from Moby Dick in which we see Ishmael and Queequeg sharing a bed, without sex, as though it were the most natural thing in the world. Which, apparently, it was:
Although most American men of the nineteenth century would not have described this occurrence as a marriage, they would have been used to sleeping with other men. Boys became accustomed to sharing beds with their brothers and then with their roommates in college, and with strangers when traveling. So did soldiers. Physical intimacy between men was economically enforced and privacy not available. And before central heating the male body lying next to you was a literal source of warmth. Men, in short, were familiar with the smell and touch of other men.
As we know, in the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries men (as well as women) formed romantic friendships, modes of relationship that allowed much emotional, if not, physical intimacy. The letters and diaries from the Civil War, for instance, reveal men talking to each and about each other with much sweetness and warmth. This was true in earlier decades. The language of affection used by men to write to one another during the American Revolution would put it today in the realm of gay discourse.
So, what happened, Jusdanis wants to know, between then and now? When did touch become forbidden as a means of expressing affection between men?

 He makes this observation:
Although a host of factors have come into play, two developments rise above all else: the idealization of romantic marriage as the center of men’s emotional lives and the association of male-male intimacy with homosexuality. So what seemed natural before has become unnatural.
Seems reasonable to me, though I don’t know quite what to make of these factors. 

On the second, once homosexuality was out of the closet to the point where one could see gay couples publicly holding hands, embracing, and kissing, THAT changes the PUBLIC valence of male-male touching. When homosexuality was hidden, male-male touch would be just that, male-male touch. But once gay men began touching one another in public, things changed. Now male-male touching might as easily mean GAY as meaning WE’RE FRIENDS, and we wouldn’t want that, would we? 

That story does have a certain logic. But do I believe it? How should I know? I just made it up. 

On the first development, the idealization of romantic marriage, that’s a funny one. Yes, it HAS happened—but when? But what effect has it had on how men interact with women, with the women they date and the women they marry? The tricky thing about sex is that, while it DOES require close physical touching, that touching need not be an expression of affection or tenderness. Is the modern man more comfortable with and more capable of showing simple affection toward women, whether on a casual date, during serious courtship, or in marriage? I’d guess not, but I’m not at all familiar with the relevant literature. 

What I’m suggesting is that this idealization of romantic marriage is just that, an idealization, akin to Dante’s idealization of his beloved Beatrice. It has little force in the physical interaction between men and women. Or perhaps it’s a substitute for physical affection. I don’t know. Again, I’m just making this up. 

And, while I’m making things up, let’s go for a real stretcher: Does this have anything to do with the changes that restricted cartoons to kids AFTER WWII and that gutted the comics industry with restrictive codes? (I told you it was a stretcher.) What also happened after WWII, in the 1950s, is the family-oriented sit-com, Ozzie and Harriet, Father Knows Best, Leave it to Beaver, etc. That idealized, not romantic marriage (which it presupposed), but the family-with-children. I can vaguely see how these two things fit together, the cartoon ghetto and the idealized kid-centric family, but what has that to do with male-male affection? In this idealized family, does daddy get physical affection from his children? 

I don’t know. I do not know. But what I’m wondering is whether or not the phenomenon that Jusdanis has put under scrutiny—male/male friendship—is an aspect of a society-wide readjustment and restructuring of personal relationships. His remarks about homosexuality and the idealized marriage suggest as much. 

But, as I say, I don’t know. I do know, however, that things are different elsewhere in the world, such as India, and that Jusdanis isn’t the only one who’s concerned about male-male friendship

But, still and all: When did this happen in America? There's a long stretch between Moby Dick and Friends. It's not the sort of thing that happens over night. It happens gradually, though perhaps there's a scalled tipping point when consolidation takes place. Was there a tipping point for this phenomenon? If so, when?

ADDENDUM: I just had a jivometric mind jolt (aka brainstorm). Don't know what it means, but take a look at this graph showing the shift in men's occupations during the 20th century.


I'm wondering if this shift in affection 'tracks' the precipitous decline in primary occupations (involving work with your hands and often intense physical labor) and the simultaneous steep rise of tertiary occupations (all mental labor). From the description accompanying the graph:
The long-term shift from digging, riveting, and hammering to filling out forms, negotiating agreements, and writing software continued unabated. Even in straightforward industrial production, computerization expanded the need for administrative activities while minimizing the demand for physical labor. Blue-collar workers were increasingly found at desks rather than workbenches.

Saturday, July 27, 2019

Emotion schemas are embedded in the human visual system

Philip A. Kragel, Marianne C. Reddan, Kevin S. LaBar, and Tor D. Wager, Emotion schemas are embedded in the human visual system, Science, Volume 5(7):eaaw4358, July 24, 2019, DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.aaw4358.
Abstract: Theorists have suggested that emotions are canonical responses to situations ancestrally linked to survival. If so, then emotions may be afforded by features of the sensory environment. However, few computational models describe how combinations of stimulus features evoke different emotions. Here, we develop a convolutional neural network that accurately decodes images into 11 distinct emotion categories. We validate the model using more than 25,000 images and movies and show that image content is sufficient to predict the category and valence of human emotion ratings. In two functional magnetic resonance imaging studies, we demonstrate that patterns of human visual cortex activity encode emotion category–related model output and can decode multiple categories of emotional experience. These results suggest that rich, category-specific visual features can be reliably mapped to distinct emotions, and they are coded in distributed representations within the human visual system.
From the discussion:
We found that human ratings of pleasantness and excitement evoked by images can be accurately modeled as a combination of emotion-specific features (e.g., a mixture of features related to disgust, horror, sadness, and fear is highly predictive of unpleasant arousing experiences). Individuals may draw from this visual information when asked to rate images. The presence of emotion-specific visual features could activate learned associations with more general feelings of valence and arousal and help guide self-report. It is possible that feelings of valence and arousal arise from integration across feature detectors or predictive coding about the causes of interoceptive events (48). Rather than being irreducible (49), these feelings may be constructed from emotionally relevant sensory information, such as the emotion-specific features we have identified here, and previous expectations of their affective significance. This observation raises the possibility that core dimensions of affective experience, such as arousal and valence, may emerge from a combination of category-specific features rather than the other way around, as is often assumed in constructivist models of emotion.

In addition to our observation that emotion-specific visual features can predict normative ratings of valence and arousal, we found that they were effective at classifying the genre of cinematic movie trailers. Moreover, the emotions that informed prediction were generally consistent with those typically associated with each genre (e.g., romantic comedies were predicted by activation of romance and amusement). This validation differed from our other two image-based assessments of EmoNet (i.e., testing on holdout videos from the database used for training and testing on IAPS images) because it examined stimuli that are not conventionally used in the laboratory but are robust elicitors of emotional experience in daily life. Beyond hinting at real-world applications of our model, integrating results across these three validation tests serves to triangulate our findings, as different methods (with different assumptions and biases) were used to produce more robust, reproducible results.

Monday, July 22, 2019

The difficulty of inferring emotion from facial expressions

Lisa Feldman Barrett, Ralph Adolphs, Stacy Marsella, Aleix M. Martinez, Seth D. Pollak, Emotional Expressions Reconsidered: Challenges to Inferring Emotion From Human Facial Movements, Psychological Science in the Public Interest, First Published July 17, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1177/1529100619832930.
Abstract

It is commonly assumed that a person’s emotional state can be readily inferred from his or her facial movements, typically called emotional expressions or facial expressions. This assumption influences legal judgments, policy decisions, national security protocols, and educational practices; guides the diagnosis and treatment of psychiatric illness, as well as the development of commercial applications; and pervades everyday social interactions as well as research in other scientific fields such as artificial intelligence, neuroscience, and computer vision. In this article, we survey examples of this widespread assumption, which we refer to as the common view, and we then examine the scientific evidence that tests this view, focusing on the six most popular emotion categories used by consumers of emotion research: anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise. The available scientific evidence suggests that people do sometimes smile when happy, frown when sad, scowl when angry, and so on, as proposed by the common view, more than what would be expected by chance. Yet how people communicate anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise varies substantially across cultures, situations, and even across people within a single situation. Furthermore, similar configurations of facial movements variably express instances of more than one emotion category. In fact, a given configuration of facial movements, such as a scowl, often communicates something other than an emotional state. Scientists agree that facial movements convey a range of information and are important for social communication, emotional or otherwise. But our review suggests an urgent need for research that examines how people actually move their faces to express emotions and other social information in the variety of contexts that make up everyday life, as well as careful study of the mechanisms by which people perceive instances of emotion in one another. We make specific research recommendations that will yield a more valid picture of how people move their faces to express emotions and how they infer emotional meaning from facial movements in situations of everyday life. This research is crucial to provide consumers of emotion research with the translational information they require.

Friday, June 21, 2019

Emotion, the final frontier of AI?

Meredith Somers, Emotion AI, explained, March 8, 2019.
Emotion AI is a subset of artificial intelligence (the broad term for machines replicating the way humans think) that measures, understands, simulates, and reacts to human emotions. It’s also known as affective computing, or artificial emotional intelligence. The field dates back to at least 1995, when MIT Media lab professor Rosalind Picard published “Affective Computing.

Javier Hernandez, a research scientist with the Affective Computing Group at the MIT Media Lab, explains emotion AI as a tool that allows for a much more natural interaction between humans and machines.“Think of the way you interact with other human beings; you look at their faces, you look at their body, and you change your interaction accordingly,” Hernandez said. “How can [a machine] effectively communicate information if it doesn’t know your emotional state, if it doesn’t know how you’re feeling, it doesn’t know how you’re going to respond to specific content?”

While humans might currently have the upper hand on reading emotions, machines are gaining ground using their own strengths. Machines are very good at analyzing large amounts of data, explained MIT Sloan professor Erik Brynjolfsson. They can listen to voice inflections and start to recognize when those inflections correlate with stress or anger. Machines can analyze images and pick up subtleties in micro-expressions on humans’ faces that might happen even too fast for a person to recognize.
Interesting. I'm pretty sure, though, that this tech wouldn't make Commander Data jealous. This isn't about computers having emotion; it's about computers being able to recognize human affective states.

H/t 3QD.

I wonder if companion robots can read the affective states of their humans?